The Trump Organization paid bribes, through middlemen, to New York City tax assessors to lower its property tax bills for several Manhattan buildings in the 1980s and 1990s, according to five former tax assessors and city employees as well as a former Trump Organization employee.  Two of the five city employees said they personally took bribes to lower the assessment on a Trump property; the other three said they had indirect knowledge of the payments. The city employees were among 18 indicted in 2002 for taking bribes in exchange for lowering the valuations of properties, which in turn reduced the taxes owed for the buildings. All of the 18 eventually pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Manhattan except for one, who died before his case was resolved. No building owners were charged, though the addresses of some of the properties involved became public. Trump’s buildings were not on that list. No evidence has emerged that Donald Trump personally knew of or participated in the alleged bribery.  Trump denied any wrongdoing at the time, and the Trump Organization reiterated that position in response to questions for this article. “To be clear, at no time did the Trump Organization or any of its employees or principals ever pay anyone for the purpose of unlawfully obtaining a lower tax valuation,” Alan Garten, the Trump Organization’s chief legal officer, wrote in a statement. “This was corroborated by multiple investigations which found no evidence of any wrongdoing by the company or any of its principals. ... If anything, the Trump Organization was a victim of the scandal.” (Here is the company’s <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/6801767-Trump-Org-Statement.html">full statement</a>.) Read <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trumps-company-paid-bribes-to-reduce-property-taxes-assessors-say">the full print version of this story</a> at ProPublica. Special thanks to former New York Times reporter Charles Bagli, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2002/01/14/nyregion/grand-jury-examines-allegations-tax-assessors-took-bribes.html">who first reported on the bribery scheme in 2002</a>. Sign up for <a href="https://nypublicradio.us5.list-manage.com/subscribe?u=4109fdd323aaac7078eadaa8f&amp;id=d943f3fd91">email updates from Trump, Inc.</a> for the latest on WNYC and ProPublica's investigations Related episodes: • <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-numbers-dont-match">The Numbers Don't Match</a> • <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-podcast-trump-company-suing-towns-tax-breaks">Trump’s Company Is Suing Towns Across the Country to Get Breaks on Taxes </a>• <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-pump-trump-panama">Pump and Trump</a>

The Trump Organization paid bribes, through middlemen, to New York City tax assessors to lower its property tax bills for several Manhattan buildings in the 1980s and 1990s, according to five former tax assessors and city employees as well as a former Trump Organization employee.  Two of the five city employees said they personally took bribes to lower the assessment on a Trump property; the other three said they had indirect knowledge of the payments. The city employees were among 18 indicted in 2002 for taking bribes in exchange for lowering the valuations of properties, which in turn reduced the taxes owed for the buildings. All of the 18 eventually pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Manhattan except for one, who died before his case was resolved. No building owners were charged, though the addresses of some of the properties involved became public. Trump’s buildings were not on that list. No evidence has emerged that Donald Trump personally knew of or participated in the alleged bribery.  Trump denied any wrongdoing at the time, and the Trump Organization reiterated that position in response to questions for this article. “To be clear, at no time did the Trump Organization or any of its employees or principals ever pay anyone for the purpose of unlawfully obtaining a lower tax valuation,” Alan Garten, the Trump Organization’s chief legal officer, wrote in a statement. “This was corroborated by multiple investigations which found no evidence of any wrongdoing by the company or any of its principals. ... If anything, the Trump Organization was a victim of the scandal.” (Here is the company’s full statement.) Read the full print version of this story at ProPublica. Special thanks to former New York Times reporter Charles Bagli, who first reported on the bribery scheme in 2002. Sign up for email updates from Trump, Inc. for the latest on WNYC and ProPublica's investigations Related episodes:• The Numbers Don't Match• Trump’s Company Is Suing Towns Across the Country to Get Breaks on Taxes• Pump and Trump

Trump, Inc.

Trump’s Company Paid Bribes to Reduce Property Taxes, Assessors Say

This episode of Trump, Inc. <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-family-business">was originally released</a> on September 18, 2019. We’ll be back next week with a new episode of Trump, Inc. We've done dozens of episodes over since Donald Trump took office, detailing how predatory lenders are <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-podcast-payday-lenders-spent-1-million-at-a-trump-resort-and-cashed-in">paying the president</a>, how Trump has profited from <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-new-evidence-emerges-of-possible-wrongdoing-by-trump-inaugural-committee">his own inauguration</a> and how Trump's friends have sought to use their <a href="https://features.propublica.org/trump-inc-podcast/sheldon-adelson-casino-magnate-trump-macau-and-japan/">access</a> in pursuit of <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-podcast-elliott-broidy-all-access-pass">profit</a>.  We've noticed something along the way. It's not just that the president has mixed his business and governing. It's that the way Trump does business is spreading across the government.  Trump's company isn't like most big businesses. It is accountable to only one man, it has <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-podcast-money-laundering-and-the-trump-taj-mahal">broken the rules</a>, and those promoting it have long engaged in what Trump has dubbed, ahem, "<a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/ivanka-donald-trump-jr-close-to-being-charged-felony-fraud">truthful</a> <a href="https://features.propublica.org/trump-inc-podcast/trump-family-business-panama-city-khafif/">hyperbole</a>." Those traits are now popping up in the government. It may seem like the news from Washington is a cacophony of scandals. But they fit clear patterns — patterns that Trump has brought with him from his business.

This episode of Trump, Inc. was originally released on September 18, 2019. We’ll be back next week with a new episode of Trump, Inc. We've done dozens of episodes over since Donald Trump took office, detailing how predatory lenders are paying the president, how Trump has profited from his own inauguration and how Trump's friends have sought to use their access in pursuit of profit.  We've noticed something along the way. It's not just that the president has mixed his business and governing. It's that the way Trump does business is spreading across the government.  Trump's company isn't like most big businesses. It is accountable to only one man, it has broken the rules, and those promoting it have long engaged in what Trump has dubbed, ahem, "truthful hyperbole." Those traits are now popping up in the government. It may seem like the news from Washington is a cacophony of scandals. But they fit clear patterns — patterns that Trump has brought with him from his business.

The Family Business

Last year, Eric Trump defended his father’s frequent visits to properties owned by the family business, saying that Trump hotels charge far less than others would. “If they were to go to a hotel across the street, they’d be charging them $500 a night, whereas, you know we charge them, like 50 bucks,” <a href="https://finance.yahoo.com/news/g-7-at-trump-golf-resort-saves-the-us-money-eric-trump-192655739.html">Eric Trump told Yahoo Finance</a>. But recent reporting by The Washington Post’s <a href="https://twitter.com/Fahrenthold">David Fahrenthold</a> revealed that’s not the case: records show that the Secret Service was charged <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/secret-service-has-paid-rates-as-high-as-650-a-night-for-rooms-at-trumps-properties/2020/02/06/7f27a7c6-3ec5-11ea-8872-5df698785a4e_story.html">rates as high as $650 a night</a> to stay at Trump properties — then tried to keep that information secret. “It’s not only that Trump has control over this - he’s paying money to himself - but also that we weren’t told,” Fahrenthold said. “You could make the case that if they publicly advertise this and listed these things in public spending databases and you and I knew about this from the beginning, they might be able to make the argument that like, ‘Oh well, the public knows and they're okay with it.’ But we didn't know. They didn't tell us. So there's a real moral distinction.” Related episodes: • <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-government-bar-tab-mar-a-lago">The Government's Bar Tab at Mar-a-Lago</a> • <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-nigerian-presidential-candidate-hired-trump-lobbyist-trumps-lobby">How a Nigerian Presidential Candidate Hired a Trump Lobbyist and Ended Up in Trump’s Lobby</a> • <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-podcast-government-employees-spend-your-money-trump-hotels">Government Employees Spend Your Money at Trump Hotels</a> Learn more about Fahrenthold and The Post's <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-2020-how-much-has-the-government-spent-at-trumps-properties-it-wont-say">unanswered questions about government spending at Trump properties</a>. Stay up to date with <a href="https://nypublicradio.us5.list-manage.com/subscribe?u=4109fdd323aaac7078eadaa8f&amp;id=d943f3fd91" target="_blank">email updates</a> about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

Last year, Eric Trump defended his father’s frequent visits to properties owned by the family business, saying that Trump hotels charge far less than others would. “If they were to go to a hotel across the street, they’d be charging them $500 a night, whereas, you know we charge them, like 50 bucks,” Eric Trump told Yahoo Finance. But recent reporting by The Washington Post’s David Fahrenthold revealed that’s not the case: records show that the Secret Service was charged rates as high as $650 a night to stay at Trump properties — then tried to keep that information secret. “It’s not only that Trump has control over this - he’s paying money to himself - but also that we weren’t told,” Fahrenthold said. “You could make the case that if they publicly advertise this and listed these things in public spending databases and you and I knew about this from the beginning, they might be able to make the argument that like, ‘Oh well, the public knows and they're okay with it.’ But we didn't know. They didn't tell us. So there's a real moral distinction.” Related episodes:• The Government's Bar Tab at Mar-a-Lago• How a Nigerian Presidential Candidate Hired a Trump Lobbyist and Ended Up in Trump’s Lobby• Government Employees Spend Your Money at Trump Hotels Learn more about Fahrenthold and The Post's unanswered questions about government spending at Trump properties. Stay up to date with email updates about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

Paying to Protect the President

Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman have attained notoriety for their parts in the Ukraine mess. They’re both Soviet-born U.S. citizens who worked closely with the president’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, serving as emissaries in the campaign to oust then-U.S. Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch and press Ukraine’s government to investigate Joe Biden’s son.  But Parnas and Fruman also exemplify the shattering of norms when it comes to the influence of big money in politics during the administration of President Donald Trump. “Parnas and Fruman are not the first people that we've seen fit this mold of someone with deep foreign connections, who's never given campaign contributions before, suddenly starts giving large amounts of political contributions and then shows up at exclusive events,” said Robert Maguire, the research director at <a href="https://www.citizensforethics.org/">Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington</a>, or CREW. But he says they can be a model for what to look for: political newcomers suddenly making big donations, often using an LLC to obscure their identity. Parnas and Fruman now <a href="https://www.justice.gov/usao-sdny/pr/lev-parnas-and-igor-fruman-charged-conspiring-violate-straw-and-foreign-donor-bans">face federal criminal charges for</a>, among other things, allegedly funneling foreign money into U.S. elections and trying to hide its source. (They’ve pleaded not guilty.) The law is clear on this: “At the most basic level, one is not allowed to solicit, accept, or receive any foreign money in connection with a US election at the state, federal, or local level,” said Ellen Weintraub, a member of the Federal Election Commission. In practice, though, it’s perhaps easier than ever for foreign money to enter the American political system undetected. Learn more about how you can dig into campaign finance documents yourself with <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/reporting-recipe-how-to-identify-suspicious-campaign-finance-records">our new Reporting Recipe</a>. Read about <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-2020-how-parnas-and-frumans-dodgy-donation-was-uncovered-by-two-people-using-google-translate">how watchdogs identified Parnas and Fruman’s suspicious campaign contributions</a> at ProPublica. An earlier version of this story incorrectly identified FEC vice-chair Steven Walther as a Republican; he is an independent.

Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman have attained notoriety for their parts in the Ukraine mess. They’re both Soviet-born U.S. citizens who worked closely with the president’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, serving as emissaries in the campaign to oust then-U.S. Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch and press Ukraine’s government to investigate Joe Biden’s son.  But Parnas and Fruman also exemplify the shattering of norms when it comes to the influence of big money in politics during the administration of President Donald Trump. “Parnas and Fruman are not the first people that we've seen fit this mold of someone with deep foreign connections, who's never given campaign contributions before, suddenly starts giving large amounts of political contributions and then shows up at exclusive events,” said Robert Maguire, the research director at Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, or CREW. But he says they can be a model for what to look for: political newcomers suddenly making big donations, often using an LLC to obscure their identity. Parnas and Fruman now face federal criminal charges for, among other things, allegedly funneling foreign money into U.S. elections and trying to hide its source. (They’ve pleaded not guilty.) The law is clear on this: “At the most basic level, one is not allowed to solicit, accept, or receive any foreign money in connection with a US election at the state, federal, or local level,” said Ellen Weintraub, a member of the Federal Election Commission. In practice, though, it’s perhaps easier than ever for foreign money to enter the American political system undetected. Learn more about how you can dig into campaign finance documents yourself with our new Reporting Recipe. Read about how watchdogs identified Parnas and Fruman’s suspicious campaign contributions at ProPublica. An earlier version of this story incorrectly identified FEC vice-chair Steven Walther as a Republican; he is an independent.

An Intimate Dinner with President Trump

Andrea Bernstein discusses the reporting process behind Trump, Inc. and her new book, <a href="http://andreabernsteinbook.com/">American Oligarchs: The Kushners, The Trumps, and the Marriage of Money and Power</a><a href="http://andreabernsteinbook.com/"></a>, with <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/deathsexmoney">Death, Sex &amp; Money</a> host Anna Sale. This bonus episode was recorded at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco.

Andrea Bernstein discusses the reporting process behind Trump, Inc. and her new book, American Oligarchs: The Kushners, The Trumps, and the Marriage of Money and Power, with Death, Sex &amp; Money host Anna Sale. This bonus episode was recorded at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco.

Read Everything, Talk to Everyone: Reporting on Trump, Inc.

Reporters Ilya Marritz and Justin Elliott have been reporting on Trump's inauguration since 2018. They looked at <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-podcast-whered-trumps-record-inauguration-spending-go-its-inexplicable">how the inaugural committee raised a record $107 million (and the big questions behind where that money went)</a> and examined <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/episodes/trump-inc-inauguration-chief-tom-barracks-rules-success">the role Ivanka Trump played in negotiations over space at the Trump International Hotel</a>, located just blocks from the White House. Those negotiations, first reported by Trump, Inc. in 2019,<a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-podcast-inauguration-complaint"> are now the subject of a civil suit filed by the District of Columbia’s attorney general</a>. “Members of the Trump family were aware of and involved in the negotiation of this unconscionable contract,” D.C. Attorney General Karl Racine wrote in the complaint charging the Trump inaugural committee and the Trump Organization with using around $1 million of charitable funds to improperly enrich the Trump family, filed Wednesday, January 22. A spokesperson for the Trump Organization dismissed the D.C. suit in an emailed statement: “The AG’s claims are false, intentionally misleading and riddled with inaccuracies. The rates charged by the hotel were completely in line with what anyone else would have been charged for an unprecedented event of this enormous magnitude and were reflective of the fact that [sic] hotel had just recently opened, possessed superior facilities and was centrally located on Pennsylvania Avenue. The AG’s after the fact attempt to regulate what discounts it believes the hotel should have provided as well as the timing of this complaint reeks of politics and is a clear PR stunt.” This episode of Trump, Inc. was originally released on February 20, 2019.

Reporters Ilya Marritz and Justin Elliott have been reporting on Trump's inauguration since 2018. They looked at how the inaugural committee raised a record $107 million (and the big questions behind where that money went) and examined the role Ivanka Trump played in negotiations over space at the Trump International Hotel, located just blocks from the White House. Those negotiations, first reported by Trump, Inc. in 2019, are now the subject of a civil suit filed by the District of Columbia’s attorney general. “Members of the Trump family were aware of and involved in the negotiation of this unconscionable contract,” D.C. Attorney General Karl Racine wrote in the complaint charging the Trump inaugural committee and the Trump Organization with using around $1 million of charitable funds to improperly enrich the Trump family, filed Wednesday, January 22. A spokesperson for the Trump Organization dismissed the D.C. suit in an emailed statement: “The AG’s claims are false, intentionally misleading and riddled with inaccuracies. The rates charged by the hotel were completely in line with what anyone else would have been charged for an unprecedented event of this enormous magnitude and were reflective of the fact that [sic] hotel had just recently opened, possessed superior facilities and was centrally located on Pennsylvania Avenue. The AG’s after the fact attempt to regulate what discounts it believes the hotel should have provided as well as the timing of this complaint reeks of politics and is a clear PR stunt.” This episode of Trump, Inc. was originally released on February 20, 2019.

The Trump Inauguration’s ‘Unconscionable Contract’

For generations, the Trump family has used government and politicians as a path to profit. As president, Donald Trump has taken things even further. “This guy is a state capitalist,” said Trump’s first biographer, reporter Wayne Barrett, <a href="https://www.wnyc.org/story/tribute-wayne-barrett/">in a 1992 WNYC interview</a>, cited extensively in this episode. “[In] every single one of his major deals, he was designated to be a millionaire and subsequently a billionaire by the government officials that he co-opted and compromised.” “The Trump family is not shy on transforming their wealth into power in a very crude and brutal way,” says economist <a href="http://gabriel-zucman.eu/">Gabriel Zucman</a>, co-author of the book <a href="https://taxjusticenow.org/#/book">“The Triumph of Injustice: How the Rich Dodge Taxes and How to Make Them Pay.”</a> “But that's the nature of extreme wealth. When you're extremely wealthy what do you do? You spend your wealth and your time trying to defend your established position.” This episode is based on reporting from host Andrea Bernstein’s new book <a href="http://andreabernsteinbook.com/">“American Oligarchs: the Kushners, the Trumps, and the Marriage of Money and Power.”</a> Read about <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-pushed-for-a-sweetheart-tax-deal-on-his-first-hotel-its-cost-new-york-city-410-068-399-and-counting">the history of a 40-year tax break Trump negotiated for his Grand Hyatt hotel</a> at ProPublica.

For generations, the Trump family has used government and politicians as a path to profit. As president, Donald Trump has taken things even further. “This guy is a state capitalist,” said Trump’s first biographer, reporter Wayne Barrett, in a 1992 WNYC interview, cited extensively in this episode. “[In] every single one of his major deals, he was designated to be a millionaire and subsequently a billionaire by the government officials that he co-opted and compromised.” “The Trump family is not shy on transforming their wealth into power in a very crude and brutal way,” says economist Gabriel Zucman, co-author of the book “The Triumph of Injustice: How the Rich Dodge Taxes and How to Make Them Pay.” “But that's the nature of extreme wealth. When you're extremely wealthy what do you do? You spend your wealth and your time trying to defend your established position.” This episode is based on reporting from host Andrea Bernstein’s new book “American Oligarchs: the Kushners, the Trumps, and the Marriage of Money and Power.” Read about the history of a 40-year tax break Trump negotiated for his Grand Hyatt hotel at ProPublica.

Turning Politics Into Money

In 1996, an 83-year-old Holocaust survivor and refugee to America sat down with an interviewer from the USC Shoah Foundation to recount what she had experienced. “If we’re not going to tell now, in 20 years I don’t know who’s going to be to tell,” Rae Kushner said in her Yiddish-accented English. “And now we have still the strength and we have the power to do this and to warn the rest of the world to be careful who is coming up on top of your government.” Rae’s grandson Jared is now one of the most powerful people in the U.S. government. President Trump’s son-in-law and a senior White House adviser, he is an influential voice on some of the nation’s most pressing issues, including immigration across the southern border. And to understand him, you need to understand his family story. This episode is based on reporting from host Andrea Bernstein’s new book <a href="http://andreabernsteinbook.com/">“American Oligarchs: the Kushners, the Trumps, and the Marriage of Money and Power.”</a> Read more about <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-podcast-listen-to-jared-kushners-family-saga">the Kushner family</a> at ProPublica and find <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/who-is-jared-kushner">an excerpt of Bernstein’s book</a> at The New Yorker.

In 1996, an 83-year-old Holocaust survivor and refugee to America sat down with an interviewer from the USC Shoah Foundation to recount what she had experienced. “If we’re not going to tell now, in 20 years I don’t know who’s going to be to tell,” Rae Kushner said in her Yiddish-accented English. “And now we have still the strength and we have the power to do this and to warn the rest of the world to be careful who is coming up on top of your government.” Rae’s grandson Jared is now one of the most powerful people in the U.S. government. President Trump’s son-in-law and a senior White House adviser, he is an influential voice on some of the nation’s most pressing issues, including immigration across the southern border. And to understand him, you need to understand his family story. This episode is based on reporting from host Andrea Bernstein’s new book “American Oligarchs: the Kushners, the Trumps, and the Marriage of Money and Power.” Read more about the Kushner family at ProPublica and find an excerpt of Bernstein’s book at The New Yorker.

Dirt

In the summer of 2019, Donald Trump Jr. traveled to Mongolia. On Instagram, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/B1mgpDNl05v/">he wrote</a> "Guys I'm back after living the Yurt Life...We covered many miles on horseback and 4WD...Truly one of the most beautiful places I've ever seen." He didn't mention the fact that he shot and killed an endangered argali sheep. Or that the Mongolian government issued him a hunting permit after the shoot. We learned that in many respects, Trump Jr.'s visit blurred the lines between private citizen and diplomacy. Trump Jr. even had a meeting with the Mongolian President. <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-podcast-donald-trump-jr-went-to-mongolia-got-special-treatment-from-the-government-and-killed-an-endangered-sheep">Read more</a> about Donald Trump Jr.'s trip to Mongolia. Stay up to date with <a href="https://nypublicradio.us5.list-manage.com/subscribe?u=4109fdd323aaac7078eadaa8f&amp;id=d943f3fd91">email updates</a> about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the Trump family business.

In the summer of 2019, Donald Trump Jr. traveled to Mongolia. On Instagram, he wrote "Guys I'm back after living the Yurt Life...We covered many miles on horseback and 4WD...Truly one of the most beautiful places I've ever seen." He didn't mention the fact that he shot and killed an endangered argali sheep. Or that the Mongolian government issued him a hunting permit after the shoot. We learned that in many respects, Trump Jr.'s visit blurred the lines between private citizen and diplomacy. Trump Jr. even had a meeting with the Mongolian President. Read more about Donald Trump Jr.'s trip to Mongolia. Stay up to date with email updates about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the Trump family business.

Mongolia

Three women recall Gordon Sondland made unwanted sexual contact in business settings. One says he exposed himself. All recall professional retaliation after they rejected him. Sondland denies the allegations.  Sondland is the US Ambassador to the European Union. He also served as a point-man for President Trump in Ukraine, as Trump put a hold on military aid. Then, Sondland became a key witness in the impeachment inquiry. Long before Sondland moved his residence to a Brussels mansion, he was a high-profile hotelier and philanthropist in the Pacific Northwest. In Portland, he has long been a powerful investor, political donor, and patron of the arts.   <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/multiple-women-recall-sexual-misconduct-and-retaliation-by-gordon-sondland">Read more</a> about the accusations against Gordon Sondland. Stay up to date with <a href="https://nypublicradio.us5.list-manage.com/subscribe?u=4109fdd323aaac7078eadaa8f&amp;id=d943f3fd91">email updates</a> about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

Three women recall Gordon Sondland made unwanted sexual contact in business settings. One says he exposed himself. All recall professional retaliation after they rejected him. Sondland denies the allegations.  Sondland is the US Ambassador to the European Union. He also served as a point-man for President Trump in Ukraine, as Trump put a hold on military aid. Then, Sondland became a key witness in the impeachment inquiry. Long before Sondland moved his residence to a Brussels mansion, he was a high-profile hotelier and philanthropist in the Pacific Northwest. In Portland, he has long been a powerful investor, political donor, and patron of the arts.   Read more about the accusations against Gordon Sondland. Stay up to date with email updates about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

Gordon Sondland

Glenn Simpson has a lot to say about business corruption and Russian influence in the U.S. In this episode, we speak to him. Simpson first came to these issues as an investigative journalist at The Wall Street Journal. In 2010, he co-founded Fusion GPS, a research firm. During the 2016 campaign, he began to research Donald Trump for two clients: first for a Republican opposed to Trump and then for a lawyer for Democrats. Fusion is most famous — or infamous — for hiring Christopher Steele, the former British spy who wrote the so-called Steele dossier. We asked Simpson about the dossier, about becoming a part of the story, and about the deposition of former national security aide Fiona Hill, who said that when it comes to Russia, "corruption is our Achilles heel." Simpson is now the author, with Peter Fritsch, of the new book, "Crime in Progress: Inside the Steele Dossier and the Fusion GPS Investigation of Donald Trump." <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/spreading-corruption-is-a-russian-government-foreign-policy">Read our full interview</a> with Simpson. Stay up to date with <a href="https://nypublicradio.us5.list-manage.com/subscribe?u=4109fdd323aaac7078eadaa8f&amp;id=d943f3fd91">email updates</a> about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

Glenn Simpson has a lot to say about business corruption and Russian influence in the U.S. In this episode, we speak to him. Simpson first came to these issues as an investigative journalist at The Wall Street Journal. In 2010, he co-founded Fusion GPS, a research firm. During the 2016 campaign, he began to research Donald Trump for two clients: first for a Republican opposed to Trump and then for a lawyer for Democrats. Fusion is most famous — or infamous — for hiring Christopher Steele, the former British spy who wrote the so-called Steele dossier. We asked Simpson about the dossier, about becoming a part of the story, and about the deposition of former national security aide Fiona Hill, who said that when it comes to Russia, "corruption is our Achilles heel." Simpson is now the author, with Peter Fritsch, of the new book, "Crime in Progress: Inside the Steele Dossier and the Fusion GPS Investigation of Donald Trump." Read our full interview with Simpson. Stay up to date with email updates about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

"Corruption Is Our Achilles Heel"

The impeachment inquiry focuses on whether or not there was a quid pro quo: Military aid in exchange for an investigation. But what if you look at the same events from a different vantage point? The business interests at play. This episode: How Rudy Giuliani's associates worked their connections to oust the U.S. Ambassador in Ukraine. How President Trump's personal interests came into alignment with the interests of an indicted foreign businessman. And how all of them have been working to discredit Joe Biden. <div class="story__details"> <div id="ember1303" class="ember-view"> <div class="story__body"> <div id="ember1304" class="ember-view"> <div class="django-content"> <div> <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-inc-podcast-ukraine-scandal-follow-the-money">Read more</a> about the flow of money in the Ukraine scandal. Stay up to date with <a href="https://nypublicradio.us5.list-manage.com/subscribe?u=4109fdd323aaac7078eadaa8f&amp;id=d943f3fd91">email updates</a> about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices. </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> <div id="ember1308" class="story-credits ember-view"> <div class="story-credits__appearance-credits"></div> </div>

The impeachment inquiry focuses on whether or not there was a quid pro quo: Military aid in exchange for an investigation. But what if you look at the same events from a different vantage point? The business interests at play. This episode: How Rudy Giuliani's associates worked their connections to oust the U.S. Ambassador in Ukraine. How President Trump's personal interests came into alignment with the interests of an indicted foreign businessman. And how all of them have been working to discredit Joe Biden. Read more about the flow of money in the Ukraine scandal. Stay up to date with email updates about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices. 

The Diplomat, The Machers, And The Oligarch

President Trump's Doral resort has been in the news a lot lately. His chief of staff announced from the White House that America would host the next G-7 summit there. Then, Trump backed off. We're looking at a conference that did happen at Doral. A conference that attracted conspiracy theorists, where a violent video featuring a fake Trump massacring members of the media was shown. (The conference organizers say they "condemn political violence.") Trump, Inc. was there. So was the President’s son, Donald Trump, Jr. This week: The business of conspiracies. <a href="https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/trumpinc/articles/who-makes-money-when-conspiracy-theorists-throw-party-trumps-hotel">Read more</a> about who makes money when a bunch of conspiracy theorists throw a party at Trump's hotel. Stay up to date with <a href="https://nypublicradio.us5.list-manage.com/subscribe?u=4109fdd323aaac7078eadaa8f&amp;id=d943f3fd91">email updates</a> about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

President Trump's Doral resort has been in the news a lot lately. His chief of staff announced from the White House that America would host the next G-7 summit there. Then, Trump backed off. We're looking at a conference that did happen at Doral. A conference that attracted conspiracy theorists, where a violent video featuring a fake Trump massacring members of the media was shown. (The conference organizers say they "condemn political violence.") Trump, Inc. was there. So was the President’s son, Donald Trump, Jr. This week: The business of conspiracies. Read more about who makes money when a bunch of conspiracy theorists throw a party at Trump's hotel. Stay up to date with email updates about WNYC and ProPublica's investigations into the president's business practices.

All The President’s Memes

Donald Trump’s former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, is serving prison time for understating his income to the IRS, and for overstating his income to banks. Trump's former executive vice president and special counsel, Michael Cohen, is also serving prison time, for, among other things, making false statements to a bank.  And Donald Trump? A lot of people want to see his taxes: At least two congressional committees. The Manhattan District Attorney. Trump doesn’t want ANYONE to see them. He’s gone to court three times to make sure they stay secret. The court fight is ongoing. Trump's tax documents remain walled off. Heather Vogell of ProPublica found some anyway. She compared them to financial documents Trump filed with his lender — and discovered that certain key numbers don't match.  Heather spoke with over a dozen experts in accounting, law, and real estate. Not a single one of them could explain the discrepancies away.

Donald Trump’s former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, is serving prison time for understating his income to the IRS, and for overstating his income to banks. Trump's former executive vice president and special counsel, Michael Cohen, is also serving prison time, for, among other things, making false statements to a bank.  And Donald Trump? A lot of people want to see his taxes: At least two congressional committees. The Manhattan District Attorney. Trump doesn’t want ANYONE to see them. He’s gone to court three times to make sure they stay secret. The court fight is ongoing. Trump's tax documents remain walled off. Heather Vogell of ProPublica found some anyway. She compared them to financial documents Trump filed with his lender — and discovered that certain key numbers don't match.  Heather spoke with over a dozen experts in accounting, law, and real estate. Not a single one of them could explain the discrepancies away.

The Numbers Don't Match

In the past two weeks, we've heard a lot about efforts by President Donald Trump and his lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, to push officials in Ukraine to investigate Trump's opponents. As the news has unfolded, it has introduced us to a litany of unfamiliar characters in both Ukraine and the U.S., many of whom were working with Giuliani or, in some fashion, on behalf of the president. Trump, Inc. co-host Ilya Marritz was in Kiev last week following the trail of Giuliani in an effort to understand more about these obscure figures who have suddenly become so important.  One thing that became clear during his travels: Giuliani's "anti-corruption" efforts involved working with men who have their own questionable histories.  We reached out to Giuliani as well as the White House. We have not heard back.  Here is a rundown of key players in Giuliani's efforts.  <h2>The Former Prosecutor Fired for Not Going After Corruption…</h2> Viktor Shokin was Ukraine's general prosecutor in 2015, a position akin to attorney general. He was responsible for investigating corruption. But according to U.S. officials, NGOs and the International Monetary Fund, he was not actually doing this.  Giuliani has claimed that then-Vice President Joe Biden improperly pushed for Shokin's removal to avoid an investigation into Biden's son Hunter, who was on the board of a Ukrainian energy company. There is no evidence that is true.  According to the now-famous whistleblower's report, Shokin spoke with Giuliani over Skype late last year in a call arranged by two Giuliani associates. (More on them in a moment.)  In response to our questions, Shokin declined comment, explaining that he’s out of the country. <h2>The Former Prosecutor Who Was Not a Lawyer… </h2> Yuriy Lutsenko took over the job of prosecutor general from Shokin in 2016. He got the job after allies in Parliament changed the law to allow the position to be filled by someone without a law degree. Lutsenko has no legal training.  Lutsenko once told a reporter that the U.S. ambassador had given him "<a href="https://thehill.com/hilltv/rising/434875-top-ukrainian-justice-official-says-us-ambassador-gave-him-a-do-not-prosecute">a list of people whom we should not prosecute.</a>" He later acknowledged that he was the one who <a href="https://thebabel.net/texts/28898-genprokuror-yuriy-lucenko-ne-idet-v-otstavku-vot-chto-on-rasskazal-nam-o-konfliktah-s-poslom-ssha-i-glavoy-nabu-dele-burisma-plenkah-rozenblata-i-istochnikah-korrupcii-bolshoe-intervyu">asked for such a list</a>.  Lutsenko has said he's spoken with Giuliani "<a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/politics-news/former-ukrainian-prosecutor-spoke-rudy-giuliani-maybe-10-times-n1059846">maybe 10 times</a>." In the middle of one meeting in New York last January in which Giuliani and Lutsenko talked about investigating the Bidens, Giuliani reportedly <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/01/us/politics/biden-son-ukraine.html?module=inline">called Trump</a> to loop him in.   In the spring, Lutsenko told a reporter he "<a href="https://thehill.com/opinion/white-house/436816-joe-bidens-2020-ukrainian-nightmare-a-closed-probe-is-revived">would be happy to have a conversation</a>" about Hunter Biden with Attorney General William Barr. Then, last week, he told the Los Angeles Times that he <a href="https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2019-09-29/former-ukraine-prosecutor-says-no-wrongdoing-biden">hadn't found any evidence</a> against the Bidens, and said he had told Giuliani that any investigation should be conducted "through prosecutors, not through presidents." In response to our questions, Lutsenko denied any wrongdoing. He was fired earlier this year.  <h2>The Current Prosecutor Caught on Tape…</h2> Nazar Kholodnytsky is now Ukraine's top anti-corruption prosecutor. Audio tapes <a href="https://www.kyivpost.com/ukraine-politics/anti-corruption-prosecutor-alleged-blocked-cases-powerful-suspects.html?cn-reloaded=1&amp;cn-reloaded=1">captured</a> Kholodnytsky in unrelated cases coaching a witness to give false testimony and tipping off suspects to police raids. Kholodnytsky acknowledged the tapes were authentic, but said they were taken out of context.  Earlier this year, the U.S.’s then-ambassador to Ukraine called for Kholodnytsky’s firing. She explained, "Nobody who has been recorded coaching suspects on how to avoid corruption charges can be trusted to prosecute those very same cases." (The ambassador, Marie Yovanovitch, was removed from her position shortly after.)  Kholodnytsky and Giuliani met in Paris in May 2019. Kholodnytsky <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/giulianis-role-as-unofficial-envoy-faces-scrutiny-with-rough-transcript-release/2019/09/25/f85dcc9e-f0dd-421b-8941-fcfb5de074db_story.html">told</a> The Washington Post the discussion was private, "prosecutor to a former prosecutor." Kholodnytsky told the Post that he had questions about the Bidens as well as the prosecution of former Trump campaign chair Paul Manafort. When the Post asked Giuliani about the meeting, he said, "I'm not going to tell you about that." Kholodnytsky told us he was too busy to answer our questions. <h2>Giuliani’s Special Envoys… </h2> Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman are two Ukrainian-American businessmen who have worked with Giuliani and introduced him to the Ukrainian prosecutors. Giuliani has described them as <a href="https://twitter.com/RudyGiuliani/status/1129761193755910144">his clients</a>. They went to Ukraine after Giuliani canceled a trip in the wake of a New York Times article that <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/09/us/politics/giuliani-ukraine-trump.html">revealed</a> his travel plans.   In a detailed story about their work with Giuliani, Parnas <a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/mikesallah/rudy-giuliani-ukraine-trump-parnas-fruman">told</a> Buzzfeed they did nothing wrong. "All we were doing was passing along information," Parnas said. He added, "We’re American citizens, we love our country, we love our president." Parnas was sued for allegedly defrauding investors in a movie he was involved with, "Anatomy of an Assassin."  "He conned us from day one," one of the investors <a href="https://outline.com/yvDqSh">told</a> the Miami Herald, adding, "He financially ruined us." Parnas lost the case but has denied wrongdoing. "The truth is going to come out about that judgment," he has said.  Fruman is well-connected in Ukraine, where he owns a number of businesses, including <a href="https://www.occrp.org/en/investigations/meet-the-florida-duo-helping-giuliani-dig-dirt-for-trump-in-ukraine">Mafia Rave</a>, a beach club in Odessa. Fruman and Parnas have been political contributors in the U.S. Last year, they set up a Delaware LLC that weeks later contributed $325,000 to a Trump-allied political group.  Giuliani was <a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/mikesallah/house-subpoenas-giuliani">subpoenaed</a> by Congress this week regarding his communications with Parnas and Fruman.  Parnas and Fruman did not respond to our requests for comment.

In the past two weeks, we've heard a lot about efforts by President Donald Trump and his lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, to push officials in Ukraine to investigate Trump's opponents. As the news has unfolded, it has introduced us to a litany of unfamiliar characters in both Ukraine and the U.S., many of whom were working with Giuliani or, in some fashion, on behalf of the president. Trump, Inc. co-host Ilya Marritz was in Kiev last week following the trail of Giuliani in an effort to understand more about these obscure figures who have suddenly become so important.  One thing that became clear during his travels: Giuliani's "anti-corruption" efforts involved working with men who have their own questionable histories.  We reached out to Giuliani as well as the White House. We have not heard back.  Here is a rundown of key players in Giuliani's efforts.  The Former Prosecutor Fired for Not Going After Corruption… Viktor Shokin was Ukraine's general prosecutor in 2015, a position akin to attorney general. He was responsible for investigating corruption. But according to U.S. officials, NGOs and the International Monetary Fund, he was not actually doing this.  Giuliani has claimed that then-Vice President Joe Biden improperly pushed for Shokin's removal to avoid an investigation into Biden's son Hunter, who was on the board of a Ukrainian energy company. There is no evidence that is true.  According to the now-famous whistleblower's report, Shokin spoke with Giuliani over Skype late last year in a call arranged by two Giuliani associates. (More on them in a moment.)  In response to our questions, Shokin declined comment, explaining that he’s out of the country. The Former Prosecutor Who Was Not a Lawyer…  Yuriy Lutsenko took over the job of prosecutor general from Shokin in 2016. He got the job after allies in Parliament changed the law to allow the position to be filled by someone without a law degree. Lutsenko has no legal training.  Lutsenko once told a reporter that the U.S. ambassador had given him "a list of people whom we should not prosecute." He later acknowledged that he was the one who asked for such a list.  Lutsenko has said he's spoken with Giuliani "maybe 10 times." In the middle of one meeting in New York last January in which Giuliani and Lutsenko talked about investigating the Bidens, Giuliani reportedly called Trump to loop him in.   In the spring, Lutsenko told a reporter he "would be happy to have a conversation" about Hunter Biden with Attorney General William Barr. Then, last week, he told the Los Angeles Times that he hadn't found any evidence against the Bidens, and said he had told Giuliani that any investigation should be conducted "through prosecutors, not through presidents." In response to our questions, Lutsenko denied any wrongdoing. He was fired earlier this year.  The Current Prosecutor Caught on Tape… Nazar Kholodnytsky is now Ukraine's top anti-corruption prosecutor. Audio tapes captured Kholodnytsky in unrelated cases coaching a witness to give false testimony and tipping off suspects to police raids. Kholodnytsky acknowledged the tapes were authentic, but said they were taken out of context.  Earlier this year, the U.S.’s then-ambassador to Ukraine called for Kholodnytsky’s firing. She explained, "Nobody who has been recorded coaching suspects on how to avoid corruption charges can be trusted to prosecute those very same cases." (The ambassador, Marie Yovanovitch, was removed from her position shortly after.)  Kholodnytsky and Giuliani met in Paris in May 2019. Kholodnytsky told The Washington Post the discussion was private, "prosecutor to a former prosecutor." Kholodnytsky told the Post that he had questions about the Bidens as well as the prosecution of former Trump campaign chair Paul Manafort. When the Post asked Giuliani about the meeting, he said, "I'm not going to tell you about that." Kholodnytsky told us he was too busy to answer our questions. Giuliani’s Special Envoys…  Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman are two Ukrainian-American businessmen who have worked with Giuliani and introduced him to the Ukrainian prosecutors. Giuliani has described them as his clients. They went to Ukraine after Giuliani canceled a trip in the wake of a New York Times article that revealed his travel plans.   In a detailed story about their work with Giuliani, Parnas told Buzzfeed they did nothing wrong. "All we were doing was passing along information," Parnas said. He added, "We’re American citizens, we love our country, we love our president." Parnas was sued for allegedly defrauding investors in a movie he was involved with, "Anatomy of an Assassin."  "He conned us from day one," one of the investors told the Miami Herald, adding, "He financially ruined us." Parnas lost the case but has denied wrongdoing. "The truth is going to come out about that judgment," he has said.  Fruman is well-connected in Ukraine, where he owns a number of businesses, including Mafia Rave, a beach club in Odessa. Fruman and Parnas have been political contributors in the U.S. Last year, they set up a Delaware LLC that weeks later contributed $325,000 to a Trump-allied political group.  Giuliani was subpoenaed by Congress this week regarding his communications with Parnas and Fruman.  Parnas and Fruman did not respond to our requests for comment.

Ukraine

He’s the President, yet we’re still trying to answer basic questions about how his business works: What deals are happening, who they’re happening with, and if the President and his family are keeping their promise to separate the Trump Organization from the Trump White House. "Trump, Inc." is a joint reporting project from WNYC Studios and ProPublica that digs deep into those questions. We’ll be laying out what we know, what we don’t, and how you can help us fill in the gaps. WNYC Studios is a listener-supported producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more. ProPublica is a nonprofit, investigative newsroom.

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